Key Points
- Pakistan is presenting itself as an assertive, cooperative, and indispensable actor in global politics.
- Since May 2025, Islamabad has been involved in intensive bilateral and multilateral engagements with all the great powers, the USA, China, and Russia.
- In the Muslim World, Pakistan has actively engaged in economic investment, energy, and security cooperation with the Middle East and other Muslim countries.
- For the Middle East, Islamabad has emerged as a security guarantor to develop deterrence against regional instability in the context of Israeli aggression in the region after its consecutive attacks on five Muslim states.
- Islamabad’s emerging pivotal role in advancing regional peace and stability through collective security in the Middle East marks Pakistan’s growing sphere of influence and trust in the Muslim world.
- All these series of diplomatic landmarks are a result of Pakistan’s strategic location, through which military diplomacy, following Mark-e-Haq, represents the nation’s prevalent needs and its alignment with the core principles of diplomacy.
Introduction
In the chorography of global politics, Pakistan’s foreign policy has experienced the burden of previous decades of turbulence, missed opportunities, and irrelevancies. After years of defensive measures, Islamabad is now unveiling itself as an assertive, cooperative, and indispensable partner at both regional and global levels. Before Marka-e-Haq, the country had remained quite sidelined in the theatre of international politics. However, since May 2025, after the victory of Operation Bunyan ul Marsos, it has actively engaged in intensive bilateral and multilateral engagements with all major powers across the globe to achieve tangible national interests. In this regard, Pakistan’s engagement with China, the USA, and bilateral cooperation with Russia, as well as in the Muslim world, is meticulously planned to secure the country’s economic and political interests.
Engagements with great powers
At the regional level, Pakistan’s partnership with China under CPEC highlights long-term strategic and economic cooperation in technology transfer and infrastructure development. Also, Islamabad collaborated with Beijing for security and defense innovation; for instance, the joint production of the JF-17 further deepened both states’ bilateral ties. Additionally, both states have officially launched the second phase of the CPEC, comprising five new economic corridors, in which Pakistan has signed 21 MOUs with China worth about 8.5 billion, covering solar energy, electric vehicles, agriculture, and steel production. Hence, the Pak-China strategic partnership has evolved from business-to-business investment to further developing alignment at the next level of mutual trust. According to Lin Jian, Chinese spokesperson of the Foreign Ministry, “Pakistan is an all-weather friend of China”. And, in the context of Pak-US engagement, it has been assured that it will never compromise China’s interests or its partnership.
Globally, Pakistan’s engagement with the USA has taken a decisive shift from the margins to the spotlight under the Trump administration. In this regard, Trump’s public warmth for Pakistan reflects Islamabad’s significance for Washington’s policy interests. Resultantly, the US officially declared the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) a terrorist organization. On the economic front, Pakistan is one of the few countries that has secured a successful tariff deal with the US, which is the largest export market for Pakistani products, textiles, and leather. Following the tariff deal, Islamabad is enjoying a significant drop in tariffs from 29% to 19% in the region, lower than other major regional exporters, India and Bangladesh. Militarily, Pakistan has received sales approval of Raytheon’s Advanced Medium Range Air-to-Air missiles from the US. All these developments are attributed to three key factors of the Trump administration. Firstly, Political and military leadership have officially credited Trump with securing the ceasefire between India and Pakistan, and also nominated him for Nobile Peace Prize. Trump sees himself as a peacetime president by mentioning 35 times that he has stopped the war, while India has not given him credit. Secondly, Pakistan has offered rare earth minerals, which are in high demand by the US to find an alternative to China, which are used in manufacturing stealth fighter jets, chips, and electric vehicles. Thirdly, Pakistan’s border with Iran and its smooth ties with Tehran can play a role in building a bridge between the US and Iran negotiations.
Breaking free from old dependencies, Islamabad’s alignment with Moscow, parallel to China and the US, for defense diversification marks Pakistan’s strengthening bilateral ties with Russia. Meanwhile, Moscow’s consideration of Islamabad as part of its broader Eurasian integration strategy is supporting a pragmatic power dynamic shift in the region. For decades, the regional politics of South Asia for military equipment were marked by the conventional pattern of rigidity, where India has relied on Russia, while Pakistan saw its trajectory of acquiring military equipment from China. However, Pakistan now seeks approval of the fighter jet engine from Moscow for its JF-17 Block III, resulting in a shift in the diversification of defense partners. In the midst of India’s rhetorical concerns, this is one of the significant diplomatic wins for Pakistan.
Cooperation in the Muslim World
In the Muslim World, Islamabad has strengthened its bilateral engagements for economic investment, energy, and security cooperation with the Middle East and other Muslim countries. Following this, the Pak-Saudi Strategic Mutual Defiance Pact was signed on 17 September. For Pakistan, this pact can provide an assertion of its role as the Gulf’s most credible security partner, by reviving strategic trust in the Muslim World and strengthening economic ties with the Gulf States. For Saudi Arabia, it is the deterrence against regional instability in the context of Israeli aggression in the Middle East after its consecutive attacks on five Muslim states: Gaza, Lebanon, Yemen, Iran, and Qatar. Further, Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir’s visit to Egypt and Jordan not only strengthened bilateral cooperation in defense, security, and economy but also revived Islamabad’s role as an emerging patron in the field of security. During that visit, both Arab leaders expressed their acknowledgement and complete confidence in Pakistan’s contribution towards peace and collaboration for the unity of the Muslim World. Consequently, Islamabad’s emerging pivotal role in advancing regional peace and stability through collective security in the Middle East marks Pakistan’s growing sphere of influence and trust in the Muslim world. Similarly, Pakistan’s partnership with Turkiye and Azerbaijan for technology transfer, joint defense cooperation, and economic investment is also a testament to Islamabad’s growing engagement and influence in the Muslim world. Additionally, Islamabad has also rebuilt cooperation with Bangladesh in trade and defense partnership after two decades of dormant and strained ties. These engagements highlight Pakistan’s growing stature as a central figure in the Muslim World.
Conclusion
At the center of diplomatic revival, Pakistan’s current diplomatic resurgence is to engage with all major powers, the USA, China, and Russia, through a pragmatic and dignified approach. As well as to enhance cooperation in the Muslim world for security partnership, defense pact, and economic investment, it is showcasing the country’s rising global stature to reshape regional alliances, deepening cooperation, and promoting peace through strategic and economic partnerships. All these series of diplomatic landmarks are a result of Pakistan’s strategic location, through which military diplomacy, following Mark-e-Haq, represents the nation’s prevalent needs and its alignment with the core principles of diplomacy. Diplomatically, it provides an example for other middle powers, who are seeking to enhance their political position through their strategic and economic diplomacy.
Bio: The author is a graduate student of IR. Currently affiliated with IPRI and can be reached at nisarchang105@gmail.com.
References
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